Sellers will soon be forced to reveal their auction prices

If you’ve ever tried to buy a home at auction, you know how frustrating it can be to show up thinking you can afford a particular property, only for it to sell for far more than the advertised price.

Now, the Victorian government wants to make this experience a thing of the past. Under new laws to be introduced into state parliament next year, real estate agents will have to publish a seller’s reserve price at least seven days before a property goes to auction.

Currently, Victorian auction rules allow agents to provide a price guide, but do not mandate disclosure of the seller’s reserve price before the auction.

This gap can enable illegal underquoting, where properties are advertised below their expected sale price to attract more bidders.

The new law aims to close this loophole by requiring sellers and agents to disclose the genuine reserve price – the minimum amount the seller is willing to accept – at least seven days before the auction. It’s a step in the right direction for fairness and transparency, and a first for Australia.

So, what will the changes mean for home buyers, real estate agents and property prices? And could other states follow Victoria’s lead?

What is underquoting?

Underquoting occurs when an agent advertises a property at a price significantly below the seller’s reserve or market expectations. It is illegal under federal consumer law and subject to further state-specific legislation.

However, enforcement has been challenging, in part because reserve prices don’t have to be made public. Sellers currently don’t even have to disclose a reserve price to their agents before auction day.

Behavioural economics helps explain why underquoting fuels emotional bidding at auctions. Buyers anchor their expectations to low advertised prices, even when unrealistic, and loss aversion drives them to bid aggressively to avoid missing out.

Herd behaviour can amplify this dynamic as large crowds at an auction signal high demand, often leading to the “winner’s curse” – paying more than a property’s intrinsic value.

Why go to auction in the first place?

Auctions are a popular way to sell property in Australia. They’re most common in Victoria, New South Wales and the Australian Capital Territory.

One driver of this popularity is they create competitive tension, often resulting in higher sale prices, especially during a booming market. They also provide certainty of sale on a fixed date (if the reserve price is met) and allow transparent bidding in real time.

For buyers, the flip side is this competitive environment can amplify psychological biases, leading to emotional bidding and driving up prices.

Less uncertainty, but more ambitious reserves

Victoria’s move to mandate reserve price disclosure is likely to have a range of impacts.

When it comes to auction behaviour, the requirement may reduce uncertainty and temper emotional bidding. Buyers will have clearer signals about affordability, potentially curbing any unrealistic expectations.

However, this transparency could also anchor buyer expectations higher if it leads to sellers setting more ambitious reserves, sustaining competitive pressure.

What about house prices?

While the reform improves transparency, its impact on overall price levels is likely to be limited. Structural drivers – such as supply constraints, population growth and interest rates – will continue to dominate price trends.

Auctions may become more rational, but prices in high-demand areas may remain high.

Real estate agents will need to adjust their marketing strategies. Underquoting as a tactic to attract large crowds will no longer be viable. Compliance costs may rise, and agents could face penalties for failing to disclose genuine reserves.

Will the rest of the nation follow?

There is no clear indication yet that any other states plan to adopt Victoria’s model. NSW is tightening penalties for underquoting, but its approach remains focused on accurate price guides rather than reserve price disclosure.

Queensland is unlikely to follow, as its policy philosophy favours banning price guides altogether rather than adding new disclosure rules.

Overall, Victoria’s move represents a significant step towards improving fairness. But on its own, it is unlikely to solve broader housing affordability challenges driven by structural market forces.The Conversation

Jian Liang, Senior Lecturer in Property Economics, Queensland University of Technology

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

How to tell if the AI bubble is about to burst: signs to look for

 

The global investment frenzy around AI has seen companies valued at trillions of dollars and eye-watering projections of how it will boost economic productivity.

But in recent weeks the mood has begun to shift. Investors and CEOs are now openly questioning whether the enormous costs of building and running AI systems can really be justified by future revenues.

Google’s CEO, Sundar Pichai, has spoken of “irrationality” in AI’s growth, while others have said some projects are proving to be more complex and expensive than expected.

Meanwhile, global stock markets have declined, with tech shares taking a particular hit, and the value of cryptocurrencies has dipped as investors appear increasingly nervous.

So how should we view the health of the AI sector?

Well, bubbles in technology are not new. There have been great rises and great falls in the dot-com world, and surges in popularity for certain tech platforms (during COVID for example) which have then flattened out.

Each of these technological shifts was real, but they became bubbles when excitement about their potential ran far ahead of companies’ ability to turn popularity into lasting profits.

The surge in AI enthusiasm has a similar feel to it. Today’s systems are genuinely impressive, and it’s easy to imagine them generating significant economic value. The bigger challenge comes with how much of that value companies can actually keep hold of.

Investors are assuming rapid and widespread AI adoption along with high-margin revenue. Yet the business models needed to deliver that outcome are still uncertain and often very expensive to operate.

This creates a familiar gap between what the technology could do in theory, and what firms can profitably deliver in practice. Previous booms show how quickly things wobble when those ideas don’t work out as planned.

AI may well reshape entire sectors, but if the dazzling potential doesn’t translate quickly into steady, profitable demand, the excitement can slip away surprisingly fast.

Fit to burst?

Investment bubbles rarely deflate on their own. They are usually popped by outside forces, which often involve the US Federal Reserve (the US’s central bank) making moves to slow the economy by raising interest rates or limiting the supply of money, or a wider economic downturn suddenly draining confidence.

For much of the 20th century, these were the classic triggers that ended long stretches of rising markets.

But financial markets today are larger, more complex, and less tightly tied to any single lever such as interest rates. The current AI boom has unfolded despite the US keeping rates at their highest level in decades, suggesting that external pressures alone may not be enough to halt it.

Instead, this cycle is more likely to end from within. A disappointment at one of the big AI players – such as weaker than expected earnings at Nvidia or Intel – could puncture the sense that growth is guaranteed.

Alternatively, a mismatch between chip supply and demand could lead to falling prices. Or investors’ expectations could quickly shift if progress in training ever larger models begins to slow, or if new AI models offer only modest improvements.

Overall then, perhaps the most plausible end to this bubble is not a traditional external shock, but a realisation that the underlying economics are no longer keeping up with the hype, prompting a sharp revaluation across related stocks.

Artificial maturity

If the bubble did burst, the most visible shift would be a sharp correction in the valuations of chipmakers and the large cloud companies driving the current boom.

These firms have been priced as if AI demand will rise almost without limit. So any sign that the market is smaller or slower than expected would hit financial markets hard.

This kind of correction wouldn’t mean AI disappears, but it would almost certainly push the industry into a more cautious, less speculative phase.

The deepest consequence would be on investment. Goldman Sachs estimates that global spending on AI-related infrastructure could reach US$4 trillion by 2030. In 2025 alone, Microsoft, Amazon, Meta and Google’s owner Alphabet have poured almost US$350 billion into data centres, hardware and model development. If confidence faltered, much of this planned expansion could be scaled back or delayed.

That would ripple through the wider economy, slowing construction, dampening demand for specialised equipment, and dragging on growth at a time when inflation remains high.

But a bursting AI bubble would not erase the technology’s long-term importance. Instead, it would force a shift away from the “build it now, profits will follow” mindset which is driving much of the current exuberance.

Companies would focus more on practical uses that genuinely save money or raise productivity, rather than speculative bets on transformative breakthroughs. The sector would mature. But it would probably do so only after a painful period of adjustment for investors, suppliers and governments who have tied their growth expectations to an uninterrupted AI boom.The Conversation

Alex Dryden, PhD Candidate in Economics, SOAS, University of London

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

How to prepare your kids and teens for the upcoming social media ban

In less than four months, world-first legislation will ban Australian under-16s from certain social media platforms.

Micah Boerma, University of Southern Queensland and Daniel You, University of Sydney

Facebook, Snapchat, TikTok, Instagram, X, Reddit, YouTube and more will all be off limits for children and teens.

It’s still not clear exactly how the restrictions will be implemented. But the federal government says social media platforms must take “reasonable steps” to delete the accounts of minors before or on December 10 and stop them from creating new accounts through age verification software.

Parents will not be able to give their consent to allow under-16s to use these platforms.

Not everyone’s a fan

Unsurprisingly, there has been a fierce debate about the potential benefits and risks of this ban on young Australians.

Regardless, the ban is here. Cutting back on screen time and social media will be challenging for many young people.

Research suggests social media allows young people to express themselves, develop their identity and seek social connection. In a society where two out five young Australians feel lonely, seeking out social support is crucial.

Equally, social media can be addictive and the “fear of missing out” can see young people engage more intensely on these platforms.

Here are five ways to prepare your child for the December 10 ban.

1. Don’t wait until December 10

The sudden removal of social media could be a shock to young people. So start the conversation as early as possible with your child and work together to create a plan on how to manage the ban.

Talk to kids and teens about why the ban is being implemented and how it will affect both their friendships and their daily routines.

This can help children feel informed, supported and importantly, heard.

Conversations could include gentle curiosity around the role of social media in their life, seeking their views on an impending ban, acknowledgement of the anxiety this might cause, as well as online safety.

Revisiting the topic in a series of smaller chats might also be helpful.

2. Fade out social media

Gradually reducing your child’s time on social media rather than suddenly stopping it will help them to adjust slowly and prevent feelings of withdrawal and frustration.

You could try reducing time spent on social media by a quarter each week and completely stop after one month. Families might opt to do this faster or slower.

By planning this approach together, your child can understand and accept it, making the removal of social media smoother and less stressful for the whole family.

3. Replace, rather than remove

Social media meets young people’s needs to socially connect with others, develop their identity, and belong to a community.

These needs will not disappear when the ban is introduced.

You could consider signing up to some other activities for regular social connection and a sense of belonging. These might include team sports, group hobbies, or volunteering. Consider creative pursuits such as art, music, or handicrafts so your child can express their identity.

4. Start offline connections

Normalise and encourage engagement within your communities that isn’t reliant on social media.

In US psychologist Jonathan Haidt’s divisive book, The Anxious Generation, he contends it is much harder to replace a child’s screen time with play if they are the only one in their peer group not using screens and in the park.

The ban presents an opportunity for parents to encourage and support children to build supportive offline groups together, where children can regularly connect in person. These could be connected to existing friends or newly established groups of like-minded families.

These groups can stick to the social media ban together and use alternative means of communication such as by phone, text or email.

5. Do it yourself

Children and young people absorb the behaviours and attitudes that are modelled to them in the home.

So this means parents can help by managing their own screen time, prioritising face-to-face connections with friends and family, and setting aside regular time for hobbies and activities.

This reinforces the importance of balancing digital and offline experiences. Modelling these behaviours consistently will help your child feel supported in the upcoming ban.The Conversation

Micah Boerma, Adjunct Lecturer, School of Psychology and Wellbeing, University of Southern Queensland and Daniel You, Clinical Associate Lecturer, Child Psychiatry, University of Sydney

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Investor calendar: what to watch on the markets this week (and what to expect)

Aussie inflation, NZ rate decision and UK budget in the spotlight ahead of the Thanksgiving Day holiday in the US.

Monday November 24

US Chicago Fed national activity index (October)
Index could dip from –0.12 to –0.2

Tuesday November 25

US ADP employment weekly change
Leading indicator of private payroll jobs

US retail sales (September)
A 0.3% increase in spending is expected

US producer price index (PPI, September)
The core PPI may lift 0.2%

US home prices (September)
From FHFA and S&P CoreLogic Case-Shiller

US pending home sales (October)
Sales are tipped to fall 0.4%

US Conference Board consumer confidence (November)
Expected to edge lower from 94.6 to 93.3

US Richmond Fed manufacturing index (November)
Tipped to lift from –4 to –1

Wednesday November 26

Australia: Monthly consumer price index (CPI, October)
Headline CPI could dip 0.2% in the month, with annual growth forecast at 3.6%

Australia: Construction work done (September quarter)
Tipped to increase by 0.5%

New Zealand: Reserve Bank (RBNZ) interest rate decision
A 25-basis point cut to 2.25% is expected

UK government budget
Chancellor Rachel Reeves hands down her first UK budget

US Federal Reserve (FOMC) Beige Book
Snapshot of current economic conditions, published eight times per year

Thursday November 27

Australia: Private capital expenditure (Capex, September quarter)
Business investment could lift 1.1%

US financial markets closed
In observance of Thanksgiving Day

Friday November 28

Australia: Private sector credit (October)
A 0.7% pick up in credit growth is expected

Key themes to watch

Check back next Monday for the latest investor calendar, only on Switzer.

What are the fastest growing regional property markets in Australia?

The pandemic shifted millions of Australians out of cities and into the nation's regions. Remote work and - at the time - lower property prices meant for a better quality of life. But now those regional areas are experiencing price growth that is shutting out locals from the markets they grew up in.

But where is this happening most? Cotality - formerly CoreLogic in Australia - crunched the numbers to find out.

Winners and losers: the regions that are booming (and those that aren't)

Regional Australia’s property market has hit its fastest quarterly value growth since the start of the rate tightening cycle, with Cotality’s data showing regional dwelling values rose 2.4% over the three months to October 2025. This is the strongest result since May 2022, outpacing most previous quarters—even as capital city values grew slightly faster at 2.9% over the same period.
But the heat is not evenly distributed. Three out of five of the largest 50 non-capital Significant Urban Areas (SUAs) saw their rate of growth accelerate compared to the previous quarter, making this a broad-based surge rather than just a handful of hotspots.
Western Australia is leading the charge:
These regions aren’t just posting big quarterly gains, but have also seen momentum shift sharply upwards in just three months.
Elsewhere, Mildura–Buronga (NSW/VIC) climbed 5.4%, and Toowoomba (QLD) rounded out the top five at 5.3% quarterly growth.
On an annual basis, Albany stands out with a 23.3% gain in median value, equivalent to a $136,000 jump in just one year. Sixteen other regions—especially in Queensland and Western Australia—also posted double-digit annual growth.
But not all regions are rising. The Bowral–Mittagong area in NSW is the outlier:
A handful of other areas—St Georges Basin–Sanctuary Point, Batemans Bay, and Bathurst—also saw values fall over the quarter.

What’s driving growth in the regions?

According to Cotality, the drivers have shifted. The early pandemic boom was all about lifestyle: sea change, tree change, working from home. Today’s momentum is powered by a different mix: affordability, capital city spillover, limited supply, and more competition for what stock remains.

Cotality’s economist Kaytlin Ezzy says:

“Demand is being shaped less by lifestyle changes and more by affordability, constrained supply and competitive buying conditions in the capitals. The latest results confirm a renewed uplift in value growth across the regions, with buyers seeking value and accessible price points.”

Markets where a buyer’s dollar stretches further are now leading. Regional Western Australia and inland Queensland, which have avoided the eye-watering price surges of the capitals, have become magnets for both owner-occupiers and investors with improved borrowing power. In these areas, stock is tight, and buyers are acting quickly.

Government support is playing a part, as recent rate cuts and the expansion of the First Home Guarantee feed buyer activity. Thankfully for those looking to buy in these areas, that growth isn't just among investors but also first-home and subsequent buyers. As borrowing capacity improves and affordable stock dwindles, regions with relatively low median prices are seeing the strongest competition and biggest price gains.

The shift isn’t uniform for everyone, however. Markets that surged during the pandemic like Bowral–Mittagong are now cooling, weighed down by high prices, longer days on market, and heavier discounts. “Affordability, or lack thereof, has been a factor tempering demand,” says Ezzy. For some regions, prices are still well below their 2022 peaks, and stock lingers longer than sellers would like.

Check out the full data pack over at Cotality.

Warren Buffett made a surprise bet on Google and its 'moat', and now it's surging

The world’s most valuable publicly listed company, US microchip maker Nvidia, has reported record $US57 billion revenue in the third quarter of 2025, beating Wall Street estimates. The chipmaker said revenue will rise again to $US65 billion in the last part of the year.

The better than expected results calmed global investors’ jitters following a tumultuous week for Nvidia and broader worries about the artificial intelligence (AI) bubble bursting.

Just weeks ago, Nvidia became the first company valued at more than $US5 trillion – surpassing others in the “magnificent seven” tech companies: Alphabet (owner of Google), Amazon, Apple, Tesla, Meta (owner of Facebook, Instagram and Whatsapp) and Microsoft.

Nvidia stocks were up more than 5% to $US196 in after-hours trading immediately following the results.

Over the past week, news broke that tech billionaire Peter Thiel’s hedge fund had sold its entire stake in Nvidia in the third quarter of 2025 – more than half a million shares, worth around $US100 million.

But in that same quarter, an even more famous billionaire’s firm made a surprise bet on Alphabet, signalling confidence in Google’s ability to profit from the AI era.

Buffett’s new stake in Google

Warren Buffett's Berkshire Hathaway’s latest quarterly filing reveals the company accumulated a US$4.3 billion stake in Alphabet over the September quarter.

The size of the investment suggests a strategic decision – especially as the same filing showed Berkshire had significantly sold down its massive Apple position. (Apple remains Berkshire’s single largest stock holding, currently worth about US$64 billion.)

Buffett is about to step down as Berkshire’s chief executive. Analysts are speculating this investment may offer a pre-retirement clue about where durable profits in the digital economy could come from.

Buffett’s record of picking winners with ‘moats’

Buffett has picked many winners over the decades, from American Express to Coca Cola.

Yet he has long expressed scepticism toward technology businesses. He also has form in getting big tech bets wrong, most notably his underwhelming investment in IBM a decade ago.

With Peter Thiel and Japan’s richest man Masayoshi Son both recently exiting Nvidia, it may be tempting to think the “Oracle of Omaha” is turning up as the party is ending.

But that framing misunderstands Buffett’s investment philosophy and the nature of Google’s business.

Buffett is not late to AI. He is doing what he’s always done: betting on a company he believes has an “economic moat”: a built-in advantage that keeps competitors out.

His firm’s latest move signals they see Google’s moat as widening in the generative-AI era.

Two alligators in Google’s moat

Google won the search engine wars of the late 1990s because it excelled in two key areas: reducing search cost and navigating the law.

Over the years, those advantages have acted like alligators in Google’s moat, keeping competitors at bay.

Google understood earlier and better than anyone that reducing search cost – the time and effort to find reliable information – was the internet’s core economic opportunity.

Google founders Sergey Brin and Larry Page in 2008, ten years after launching the company.
Joi Ito/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY

Company founders Sergey Brin and Larry Page started with a revolutionary search algorithm. But the real innovation was the business model that followed: giving away search for free, then auctioning off highly targeted advertising beside the results.

Google Ads now brings in tens of billions of dollars a year for Alphabet.

But establishing that business model wasn’t easy. Google had to weave its way through pre-internet intellectual property law and global anxiety about change.

The search giant has fended off actions over copyright and trademarks and managed international regulatory attention, while protecting its brand from scandals.

These business superpowers will matter as generative AI mutates how we search and brings a new wave of scrutiny over intellectual property.

Berkshire Hathaway likely sees Google’s track record in these areas as an advantage rivals cannot easily copy.

What if the AI bubble bursts?

Perhaps the genius of Berkshire’s investment is recognising that if the AI bubble bursts, it could bring down some of the “magnificent seven” tech leaders – but perhaps not its most durable members.

Consumer-facing giants like Google and Apple would probably weather an AI crash well. Google’s core advertising business sailed through the global financial crisis of 2008, the COVID crash, and the inflationary bear market of 2022.

By contrast, newer “megacaps” like Nvidia may struggle in a downturn.

Plenty could still go wrong

There’s no guarantee Google will be able to capitalise on the new economics of AI, especially with so many ongoing intellectual property and regulatory risks.

Google’s brand, like Buffett, could just get old. Younger people are using search engines less, with more using AI or social media to get their answers.

New tech, such as “agentic shopping” or “recommender systems”, can increasingly bypass search altogether.

But with its rivers of online advertising gold, experience back to the dawn of the commercial internet, and capacity to use its platforms to nurture new habits among its vast user base, Alphabet is far from a bad bet.


Disclaimer: This article provides general information only and does not take into account your personal objectives, financial situation, or needs. It is not intended as financial advice. All investments carry risk.The Conversation

Cameron Shackell, Adjunct Fellow, Centre for Policy Futures, The University of Queensland; Queensland University of Technology

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

The ACT and Queensland economies are beating the rest of the nation

The Australian Capital Territory and Queensland have won bragging rights for having the fastest growing economies in Australia in 2024-25.

Their growth was highlighted in annual data on gross state product (GSP), released by the Australian Bureau of Statistics.

GSP is the state and territory equivalent of gross domestic product (GDP), the most commonly used measure of the size of the national economy.

Across the nation, total GDP grew by 1.4% in the year to June 2025, with strength across the service sector offset by weakness in mining and manufacturing.

The mining sector was a drag

The fastest growing state or territory economy in 2024-25 was the ACT, which expanded by a robust 3.5%. It was followed by Queensland, which grew by 2.2%. They were the only states or territories to outpace the national growth rate. The others mostly grew by around 1%.

The ACT and Queensland were also, along with Tasmania, the only ones where GSP grew faster than population. These figures, given in real terms, exclude the impact of inflation.

The ACT, with a population of 484,000, has a larger GSP than Tasmania – despite the Apple Isle’s bigger population of 576,000.

Unsurprisingly, New South Wales and Victoria, the most populous states, have the largest sized economies overall. They account for 31% and 23% of our national economy. But their GSP grew only by 0.9% and by 1.1% respectively.

The differences reflect the different industry composition of the states. Nationally, the mining sector was affected by severe weather and unplanned disruptions. This held back activity in Queensland, Western Australia and the Northern Territory.

Weakness in the manufacturing industry also restrained economic growth in some states. The ACT, with a services-based economy, was barely affected. It benefited from increased public sector activity, with public administration and safety rising 7.2%.

The near completion of some major transport projects caused construction to detract from economic growth in NSW. But this was offset by a strong harvest that boosted the agriculture sector, the Bureau of Statistics said.

While strong population growth led to housing construction providing a boost to the WA economy, residential construction was weak in Tasmania.

Favourable rural conditions meant that agriculture made a large contribution in NSW, Queensland, Western Australia, Tasmania and the Northern Territory. In contrast, a drought meant agriculture was a large detractor in South Australia.

Incomes differ across the nation

There are differences in real GSP per person across the states and territories.

Western Australia produces more per person due to its large mining industry. This produces large amounts of revenue, but employs relatively few people.

A similar pattern can be seen in the data on real gross state income per person. This also captures the impact of swings in the prices of exports and imports.

Again, the major industry where this is important is mining. This creates more volatility in the average incomes in Western Australia and the Northern Territory than in other parts of the country.

Western Australia’s recent good fortune in having high incomes from high mineral prices is shared by redistributing some of it to the other states and territories through the Commonwealth Grants Commission process.

In the same way, WA has been supported by the rest of Australia when it was poorer for most of the 20th century. The Conversation

John Hawkins, Head, Canberra School of Government, University of Canberra

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Top stocks: Morgans' Raymond Chan shares his tips for the dip

Raymond Chan, head of research at Morgans, joined Switzer Investing TV this week and gave his verdict on a handful of market movers. Here’s where he’s seeing value, what’s on his “wait and see” list, and the stocks that might need a little more patience.

Just remember, this isn’t financial advice—do your own homework and talk to a pro before acting on anything here.

The Buy List

CSL (CSL)

Chan is unambiguously positive on CSL, viewing the current price as an opportunity with limited downside. He points to strength in plasma-based medicines and a discount valuation versus history:

“I think we have a buy, on CSL. I think at the current level, the downside risks, limited… The key part is now the plasma-driven drugs division, which is almost 70% of the total revenue that we think will continue to grow, quite well… At the moment, they are trading at a P/E which is at a discount to the long-term average. We don’t think there’s too much of the downside risk for CSL at this stage. So for us it’s a buy.”

While the vaccine division faces some challenges, Chan believes the core business is strong and that current levels represent good value.

Goodman Group (GMG)

A familiar favourite, Goodman gets Chan’s endorsement—especially on recent share price weakness. He sees the company’s low gearing as a buffer against volatility:

“Goodman I actually like this name at the current price… Goodman on the headline, the gearing is very low… Also, the stock’s has meaningfully pulled back from its recent high… I think what we need for Goodman is in the next set of update is they start to upgrade the outlook a little bit, and the market will start to love Goodman again. So I think the current pullback will likely be a buying opportunity for Goodman especially is below $30.”

Pro Medicus (PME)

While he prefers to buy PME on further weakness, Chan is fundamentally positive and highlights the company’s market position and contract “stickiness”:

“We a[n]alyst always like this company… the growth, suddenly, meaningfully. And in the US, they have a market share… those contracts are very sticky. That’s what we like… We like this company that, you know, it is suddenly, worth look at, you know, if there’s price weakness on Pro Medicus, in the current market.”

For Chan, Pro Medicus remains a top pick if you can get it a little cheaper.

The ‘Maybe’ List

Sometimes, great companies just need a little more time—or a little more clarity. Here’s where Chan isn’t rushing in, but isn’t closing the door either.

NEXTDC (NXT)

Chan isn’t ready to call NXT a buy at current levels, citing valuation and sector sentiment:

“NextDC… at the current price, they suddenly [are] not cheap… the company [has] a strong track record… Now… they’re partnering with capital partner to develop the offshore area such as Japan… if the sentiment move[s] toward data centre again… we may see a bounce… but at the moment, NextDC is likely to trade sideways before a more clear direction… So it’s not a screaming buy at the moment, but further weakness likely to create opportunity.”

Chan sees NXT as a watchlist name unless there’s a price pullback.

Xero (XRO)

While growth investors might find Xero appealing, Chan is cautious about the near-term outlook due to its US expansion and ongoing cash burn:

“Xero is a little bit interesting… Xero is a growth company. When they make the acquisition… with aim to expand into… the US market… it will probably would take some time before Xero can deliver to the long term plan, which I think is important for them. For us, I think at this stage, we’ll have a hold recommendation on Xero.”

For Chan, the thesis is long-term but requires patience and a strong stomach for volatility.

Life360 (360)

No formal coverage, but Chan shared an anecdote and seemed open to the company’s growth prospects, referencing the product’s “playoff certainty” for families:

“Life360… we don’t have coverage on the company, but my dog is using it. We use it to track where he’s going… We think this a playoff certainty.”

While not an outright buy, there’s a nod of approval to the product’s value and potential.

Congress summons Australian e-Safety Commissioner over social media ban: are we headed for new tariffs?

We're mere weeks away from the Albanese government's social media ban for teens heading into effect. The US Congress has gotten word that its companies are about to face a tricky legal snag in a foreign country, and as such, a staunch Trump ally has summoned our e-Safety Commissioner to testify, saying that the law could threaten free speech. The real question, however, is are we headed for retaliatory tariffs?

In a letter dated November 18 and emailed to e-Safety Commissioner, Julie Inman Grant by House Judiciary Committee Chair, Congressman Jim Jordan, the Congress is calling for senior testimony on the proposed social media ban. Set to kick in from December 10, the social media 'ban' as it's being dubbed, makes it illegal for children and teens under a certain age to access popular social media platforms. The aim, according to the Australian government and eSafety Commissioner Inman-Grant, is to protect young people from online harms such as bullying, exploitation, and exposure to harmful content.

The ban would require platforms like TikTok, Instagram, Snapchat, and X to implement strict age verification measures for all Australian users. It would also give the eSafety Commissioner significant powers to investigate and enforce compliance backed by the threat of large fines for companies that fail to remove prohibited content or prevent access by underage users.

According to the US House Judiciary Committee, however, the law is a little too broad for their liking. Congressman Jordan specifically singles the Australian Online Safety Act (OSA) and the Commissioner’s approach to enforcing it as central to his concern, arguing that its “expansive interpretation” could “directly threaten American speech” if the law is enforced beyond Australia’s borders. After all, these laws we're proposing directly impact companies that are moored well-and-truly in the US.

His concern over "free speech" isn't entirely unfounded, either. Julie Inman Grant's e-safety office and the Australian government has previously pushed for platforms to remove objectionable content worldwide (not just for Australian users), and the OSA grants the Commissioner power to issue takedown notices that could affect American companies, users, and the principle of free speech beyond Australian borders.

The letter cites concerns over “extraterritorial jurisdiction” and accuses Inman Grant of being a “zealot for global takedowns,” warning that Australia’s approach may be influencing or encouraging other governments, including Brazil and the European Union, to escalate their own online censorship regimes. The Committee sees this as part of a global shift toward regulatory overreach by foreign governments, with direct consequences for Americans’ constitutional rights.

The e-Safety Commissioner has already been in a tussle with Elon Musk's Twitter (I will never call it X, Elon), over demands to censor tweets relating to violent videos showing an attack in a Sydney church earlier in the year. Inman-Grant's office said it wouldn't fight the case until - you guessed it - the new laws came in on December 10.

Tariff threat?

The real question for market-watchers is whether or not this new law would trigger a tariff-based response from Trump's office.

In recent months Donald Trump has made clear he is prepared to use tariffs not just as economic tools, but as instruments of geopolitical and ideological leverage. For example, in August 2025 he said he would take strong retaliatory measures (including tariffs and export restrictions) against countries that impose digital taxes or regulations he believes discriminate against US tech companies. He also warned that the US would adopt “reciprocal” tariffs on imports from any country that “targets our products” and fails to treat American trade fairly. 

So yes: the idea that the US might threaten tariffs against Australia in response to the proposed legislation by Julie Inman‑Grant and her office is not just a flight of fancy. If the our law is viewed through Washington’s lens as a “regulation that limits American advancement” (especially of US tech companies) or undermines free speech, then it could trigger some form of pressure, and tariff threats are part of that toolkit.

The risk of new tariffs is ratcheted even higher when you consider that PM Albanese basically stepped out of his Oval Office meeting with Trump and started once again campaigning for US tech companies like Google and Meta to pay their fair share for Australian news run on their platforms.

A wider conspiracy

The letter does go a little off the rails when Congressman Jordan starts accusing our e-Safety Commissioner of colluding with foreign governments to limit speech in America, however.

Jordan accuses Inman Grant of “colluding with pro-censorship entities in the United States,” referencing a non-public Stanford University roundtable in September 2025 that brought together foreign officials—including those from the EU and Brazil—who have “directly targeted American speech.” He claims that the event’s purpose was to facilitate cooperation between global censorship regimes, raising alarms about potential threats to the First Amendment in the U.S.

Further, Jordan draws attention to the eSafety Commissioner’s recent announcement of an academic advisory group led by Stanford University to evaluate Australia’s new minimum age requirements for social media. The letter describes the university’s involvement as “troubling,” given its past efforts to “launder government censorship requests to social media platforms” in the lead-up to the 2020 U.S. presidential election—a charge that echoes Republican concerns about alleged bias and censorship by tech companies and their partners.

Congressman Jordan is a close confidante of President Trump, so we shouldn't be too surprised to see a little score-settling in this one I guess. And Jordan has form in this Congress, too. He's already taken shots at the EU's Digital Services Act, Brazil's censorship laws and pretty much any nation looking to propose a tax on digital services.

Either way, our e-Safety Commissioner  is being urged

Australian wage growth is down at near-2011 levels

New data show wages have risen by a bit more than inflation, but overall real wages are still languishing near 2011 levels.

Over the year to September, wages rose 3.4% in seasonally adjusted terms. That’s according to the latest wage price index data from the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS), released on Wednesday.

That’s slightly more than the rate of inflation over the same period – 3.2% – meaning real wages are up by 0.2% over the year to September.

For the Reserve Bank of Australia, it means an interest rate cut in the near term remains unlikely. However, overall wages growth is nowhere near enough to make up for the huge decline in real wages over the past five years.

What is the wage price index?

The wage price index measures the average change in Australian wages and salaries every quarter. To do this, it tracks a fixed “basket” of jobs across a wide range of industries in both the public and private sector.

It doesn’t include bonuses, and it doesn’t include wage growth that comes about from people getting promoted, switching to better-paid occupations, or moving to other regions.


To illustrate, imagine a world where half of all workers were labourers and the other half were managers.

If the labourers’ hourly wage increased from $30 to $33 (a 10% increase), and the managers’ hourly wage increased from $80 to $84 (a 5% increase), the wage price index would increase by 7.5%. That is the average of 5% and 10%.

It’s an important index, but it doesn’t tell us everything. For example, it doesn’t give us the full story on wage growth, because many people grow their incomes by moving to better-paid jobs or occupations.

In our example, if an individual labourer became a manager, their wage would increase from $30 to $84 – an obvious improvement. But this change is not counted in the index.

It doesn’t tell the full story

The wage price index doesn’t give us the full story on labour costs either.

The Reserve Bank is tasked with setting interest rates to keep annual consumer inflation in a target range of 2–3%, as measured by the consumer price index (CPI).

Labour costs aren’t directly included in the CPI. But the Reserve Bank still keeps a close eye on wage growth, because higher wages can lead to higher costs for employers and create inflation.

But productivity growth – the continual improvement in our ability to produce more output from the same inputs – reduces labour costs relative to the amount of income a business can generate.

The chart below shows over most of the past three decades, labour costs have fallen, because productivity growth has been stronger than wage growth. The uptick in labour costs since 2023 shows wage growth has been stronger than productivity growth for the past two years.

Have we really had a pay rise?

It feels good to get a pay rise, and governments and employers enjoy the optics.

A joint statement from Treasurer Jim Chalmers and Employment Minister Amanda Rishworth noted annual real wages have now grown for eight quarters in a row:

the longest period of consecutive annual real wage growth in almost a decade.

But how healthy are Australians’ earnings really?

When wages grow faster than consumer prices, wage earners are able to get more bang for their buck. Until June 2020, this was the case over most of the past few decades.

But when consumer prices grow faster than wages, even if wages are rising, consumer purchasing power goes backwards. This has been the case from mid-2020 until very recently.

As the above chart shows, after accounting for inflation, Australians’ wages have roughly the same purchasing power now as they did back in 2011 – when the iPhone 4 was state-of-the-art and a Donald Trump presidency was a mere thought bubble.

The post-COVID decline in real wages is by far the largest in recent history, but it’s not the only one. In 2000, when the goods and services tax (GST) was introduced in Australia, a jump of almost 4% in the CPI led to a steep dip in real wages, which took about four years to unwind.

A lost decade

A horror stretch starting in 2020 saw an entire decade of real wage growth reversed in just three years. Today’s result consolidates a cautious return to real wages growth.

We will need to wait until the gross domestic product (GDP) figures come out next month to see whether the growth is supported by productivity gains.

While workers will welcome growth in real wages, we must be careful about what we wish for. When wage growth is not supported by productivity growth, employers will often reduce costs by laying off workers.

The seasonally adjusted unemployment rate is currently 4.3%, a low level historically, but it is trending upwards. Ongoing modest wage growth and low unemployment will help workers win back the lost decade.The Conversation

Janine Dixon, Director, Centre of Policy Studies, Victoria University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Is the UK headed for a new Prime Minister?

These are troubled times for British Labour Prime Minister Keir Starmer. In July 2024, Starmer’s government swept to power on the back on a landslide win.

Labour won 411/650 seats in the parliament, and had a commanding 174 seat majority. Starmer was elected on a platform for “change”, but the most likely change at the moment is that he’ll be cast aside as prime minister.

Where has it all gone so wrong?

First, Starmer’s majority was both thin and created a paradox. While he has a strong majority of MPs, Labour only secured a record low of 33.7% of the popular vote (the Conservatives received a dreadful 23.7%, a resurgent Reform secured 14.3%, and the Lib Dems 12.2%). In short, British politics fragmented.

The paradox for Starmer is despite the majority, he was gifted a multitude of MPs who sit on very thin majorities, and on current polls, face electoral oblivion. Labour could be reduced to just over 100 seats. Many have nothing to lose, except their seats.

Second, Starmer and his government have made a series of mistakes, missteps and u-turns, which have eroded public confidence. Controversially, his government pledged a series of welfare cuts targeting the Personal Income Payments (PiP), which led to over 120 MPs signing a “wrecking amendment” to his flagship welfare bill.

In the context of pledges to increase defence spending, this was seen to be at the expense of some of the most vulnerable Britons. Likewise, Rachel Reeves, who casts herself as something of an iron chancellor (equivalent to the Australian treasurer), was forced to reverse her decision to cut winter fuel payments to pensioners.

Labour pledged not to increase a number of key taxes when elected in 2024. But Reeves is now suggesting she’ll have to break the tax pledge for the imminent budget.

Labour has also had to shift positions on a suite of other issues, including gender identity and the controversial issue of “grooming gangs” in the UK, which involves allegations of group-based child sexual abuse and exploitation that mostly occurred between the 1990s and 2010s.

Third, there have been personnel changes and issues. The resignation of popular deputy leader Angela Rayner was damaging, and her successor Lucy Powell was not the leader’s chosen replacement. Starmer has been drawing on New Labour stalwarts to steady his ship, but his pick of Peter Mandelson as US ambassador backfired spectacularly with his links to paedophile financier Jeffrey Epstein.

Fourth, the Labour prime minister has faced a series of structural economic problems that requires low and patient re-calibration. To give a sense of the challenge, when Tony Blair became prime minister in 1997, government debt as a share of GDP was a healthy 35%. By 2004 it was 96%.

Yet, critics argue that part of this is a problem of Starmer’s and Reeves’ own making, because their fiscal conservatism is seen to be overreaching. By accepting the National Insurance tax cuts of her Conservative predecessor, Jeremy Hunt, Reeves gave herself no wriggle room for spending commitments.

What would it take to depose Starmer?

Labour party rules stipulate a leadership contest can be triggered if 20% of Labour MPs back an alternative leader, up from 10% before 2021. Currently, this would require 81 MPs. Further rule changes mean the Labour leader can now be challenged at any time. To date, no sitting Labour prime minister has been removed as party leader.

Experienced British Labour MPs will be aware of the Australian experience, where Labor experienced particular turbulence from 2007-2013, with the change from Kevin Rudd to Julia Gillard and back to Rudd.

Rudd then introduced leadership rule changes to tighten up the process for changing the leader. For Australian Labor, the threshold is high, with a spill requiring 75% of caucus members when in government, and 60% when in opposition.

Risks and challengers

Any potential challenger to Starmer will be frantically weighing up the costs and benefits of forcing a change. While a new leader might enjoy a honeymoon period in the polls, they would quickly need to show deeper results if Labour is to have any chance of re-election at the 2029 general election.

Moreover, unless the leader wants to shift the current fiscal orthodoxy and engage in deeper structural reform, they’ll only present as a new face to the same problems Starmer is facing. Starmer has driven Labour to the centre, and the cohort of left and “soft-left” MPs are the ones most ill-at-ease with how the party is tracking.

Westminster politics is awash with rumours of manoeuvres from both the left and right of the party.

What seems to have backfired for Starmer are the background briefings against Health Secretary Wes Streeting. Streeting would have the backing of the right of the party, and is articulate where Starmer is not. Former deputy leader Angela Rayner has been lauded as a potential “stop Wes” candidate.

In the run up to the recent party conference, popular Manchester mayor Andy Burnham was routinely cited as a potential leader, but will need to find a parliamentary seat.

A “stalking horse” candidate might emerge, with Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood touted. Yet, the rise of Nigel Farage’s Reform Party and the prospect of a one-term government might be worth the risk for any challenger. For Starmer to hold on, he’ll need Reeves to deliver a strong budget, sort out discipline within Number 10, and hope for better local election results in May 2026.The Conversation

Rob Manwaring, Associate Professor, Politics and Public Policy, Flinders University and Emily Foley, Postdoctoral research fellow, Flinders University; University of Canberra

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Santa Claus rides again! Bosses can't make workers work on public holidays

A Federal Court judge and Santa have made a memorable legal ruling that employers can’t be expected to work on public holidays!

There might be problems if you want coffee, bread, petrol, roadside assistance, a nurse or a doctor in emergency on Christmas Day. And you can blame a Federal Court judge and Santa Claus. This thinking follows a memorable legal ruling against BHP that said the miner should never have rostered workers on Christmas Day.

It meant the big miner copped fines and a compensation cost amounting to $100,000 per worker! And there were 85 employees who received compo of $83,700 each from the Federal Court, which looks like the best Christmas gift these Queenslanders have ever received.

The ‘crime’ BHP apparently committed was that it failed to consult with the workers at the Danuia coal mine in Queensland when they were rostered to work on Christmas Day in 2019. While that meant it took the legal system six years to work this remedy out, for the workers, it clearly is better late than never.

Justice Daryl Rangiah said there was an “inherent power imbalance” between employers and employees, which should not surprise anyone with common sense. He argues that the law says bosses must make “a request rather than a unilateral command to prompt the capacity for discussion, negotiation and a refusal” between the two parties.

The SMH’s Elias Visontay reported: “While an employee can refuse requests to work public holidays, Rangiah found the 85 BHP employees had been ‘deprived of the opportunity to raise reasonable grounds for refusing to work’ on Christmas Day and Boxing Day.”

The case before the court revealed a number of individuals who had legitimate reasons for not wanting to work on Christmas Day, for example a single mother who left her two children with a carer that cost her $500.

Visontay reminds us that bosses have been put on notice lately that they don’t have the power they thought they did when they gave their employees jobs.

Recently, Westpac learnt they could not order a staff member who had been working at home for some time to go back to the office. Meanwhile Coles and Woolies lost a court battle over incorrect pay linked to inaccurate records of rosters, overtime and other entitlements. This case potentially might mean the companies could face a backpay amount that could be as high as $780 million.

And in August, Qantas copped a record workplace $90 million fine for illegally sacking 1,800 workers when Covid lockdowns were introduced.

Lawyers now are telling employers that the rules of the game have changed.

Clancy King at law firm Clifford Chance told the SMH: “This decision means employers cannot simply expect employees to work on a public holiday or treat that as a part of an ordinary working pattern.”

This is a warning to all employers that if you want a staff member to work on a public holiday, you better ask rather than tell them that they’re working.

Sally McManus, secretary of the Australian Council of Trade Unions, cheered the decision and underlines the importance of negotiation and Santa in the workplace.

“Even if it’s not religiously significant to you, there’s still Santa Claus, and an expectation of downtime you will never get back with your family,” she told the SMH.

Going forward, ‘bah humbug’ bosses who demand workers work over Christmas and any other public holidays will find they could end up on the wrong side of the law. This is good news for employees but bad news for bosses and anyone wanting a coffee early on a Christmas Day. By the way, some workers in 24/7 industries such as healthcare and public transport have roster arrangements that mean they work undesirable public holiday shifts that would fall outside this ruling.